We have in the first part attempted to show how and why the struggle against Islamophobia is a major issue for the radical left (although it is unfortunately often overlooked by some comrades) in its struggle for an egalitarian and emancipated society against the capitalist system. In this second part, we want to demonstrate that the struggle against Islamophobia should under no circumstances be replaced by “Orientalism in reverse or in return” that affects certain parts of the radical left when we analyze the Middle East and North Africa.
The situation in Greece is reaching a point comparable to that of mid-1930s Spain. On the brink of civil war, as a lab rat in the ongoing neoliberal austerity experiment, Greek society is being pushed further and further towards the complete obliteration of democratically achieved civil and human rights and is becoming a festering sore of rightwing nationalism.
Those that have bought into regime narratives that it is engaged in an existential battle against Al Qaeda terrorists must be feeling a little confused this week.
Revolutionary activists have long been protesting against the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS), known locally as Daesh, the main Al Qaeda affiliated group in Syria.
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Es waren ungefähr dreihundert westafrikanische Flüchtlinge, die im Frühjahr 2013 von Libyen kommend Hamburg erreichten. Ihr Weg hatte sie nach einer gefährlichen Überfahrt über das Mittelmeer zunächst auf die italienische Insel Lampedusa geführt, nach der sich die Gruppe in Hamburg dann benannte. In Hamburg angekommen, weigerten sich die Behörden unter Verweis auf die EU-Richtlinien, den Flüchtlingen eine dauerhafte Unterkunft zur Verfügung zu stellen und versuchten, sie gleich wieder aus der Stadt zu treiben. Doch die Flüchtlinge wollten nicht weiterziehen. Wohin denn auch? Sie entschieden sich zu bleiben, an die Öffentlichkeit zu gehen und für ihre Rechte zu kämpfen. Sie stießen dabei auf eine spontane Welle der Sympathie und Solidarität in Teilen der Bevölkerung.
By AntiDote’s Ed Sutton
We can all stop wringing our hands about “the next Occupy.” Whatever our reasons for doing so—worrying that it might sweep the globe with irresistible force, or worrying that it won’t—we can rest assured that it is coming, just in a form we haven’t imagined yet.
I was a bit disappointed when I read Žižek’s article on Syria. It is true that the people in Syria have no excuse for not making a revolution, but compassion is a virtue. Maybe if “comrade” Žižek could’ve taken the time to scribble them a manual of “Revolution 101″ they could’ve been brought to their senses. Possibly a syllabus of recommended readings? Žižek has a lot to teach the people in Syria and Egypt. The European Left as a whole has much to share. I mean, Europe has been revolting for decades and the victories of the European Left are a source of global envy. Žižek himself has stood atop the barricades and put a stake in the heart of neoliberalism in his own country.
Von Antidotes’ Laurent Moeri
Die griechische Gesellschaft ist nun an einem Punkt, an dem es Spanien Mitte der 30er Jahre des vergangenen Jahrhundert gleicht. Ein Land das kurz vor dem Bürgerkrieg steht, als Testratte in einem Labor der neoliberalen Sparpolitik, gedrängt zur Vernichtung demokratisch erlangter Rechte und Brutstätte des wieder wuchernden Geschwürs des Nationalismus.
Raúl Zibechi explores the autonomous and horizontal forms of organization, direct action and consensus decision-making behind the Brazilian uprising.
The huge mobilizations in June 2013 in 353 cities and towns in Brazil came as as much of a surprise to the political system as to analysts and social bodies. Nobody expected so many demonstrations, so numerous, in so many cities and for so long. As happens in these cases, media analyses were quickly off the mark. Initially they focused on the immediate problems highlighted by the actions: urban transport, rising fare prices and the poor quality of service for commuters. Slowly the analyses and perspectives expanded to include the day-to-day dissatisfaction felt by a large part of the population. While there was widespread acknowledgement that basic family income had risen during the last decade of economic growth, social commentators began to focus on economic inclusion through consumption as the root of the dissatisfaction, alongside the persistence of social inequality.